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What the Women Say:  The Arab Spring & Implications for Women
ICAN’s First MENA Region Issue Brief
In the first of ICAN’s What the Women Say, MENA Region Briefs, crosscutting regional trends that threaten basic norms of democracy, equality and affect women’s abilities to participate in and influence critical decision-making processes–nationally and internationally—that will determine the course of these countries’ futures and the lives of women have been highlighted.  Beyond identifying key regional challenges and issues impacting women, the brief provides recommendations to national and international policymakers and the media on the importance of and the strategies for ensuring the participation of women in the formation of just, open, equal and democratic societies.
This regional issue brief results from in country visits and consultations with women’s rights and human rights activists, lawyers, scholars, journalists and policymakers in Egypt, Tunisia and Morocco as well as broad consultations with international experts and local activists from the region, including Libya and Afghanistan.  This brief was developed in association with:
·     The MIT Center for International Studies;
·     The Center for Women’s Global Leadership, Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey;
·     Global Network of Women Peacebuilders; and
·     Institute for Inclusive Security.
The next ICAN Issue Brief will address the Tunisian Elections and Implications for Women
Download What the Women Say: The Arab Spring and Implications for Women

What the Women Say: The Arab Spring & Implications for Women

ICAN’s First MENA Region Issue Brief

ICAN_Logo01In the first of ICAN’s What the Women Say, MENA Region Briefs, crosscutting regional trends that threaten basic norms of democracy, equality and affect women’s abilities to participate in and influence critical decision-making processes–nationally and internationally—that will determine the course of these countries’ futures and the lives of women have been highlighted.  Beyond identifying key regional challenges and issues impacting women, the brief provides recommendations to national and international policymakers and the media on the importance of and the strategies for ensuring the participation of women in the formation of just, open, equal and democratic societies.

This regional issue brief results from in country visits and consultations with women’s rights and human rights activists, lawyers, scholars, journalists and policymakers in Egypt, Tunisia and Morocco as well as broad consultations with international experts and local activists from the region, including Libya and Afghanistan.  This brief was developed in association with:

·     The MIT Center for International Studies;

·     Center for Women’s Global Leadership, Rutgers, State University of New Jersey;

·     Global Network of Women Peacebuilders; and

·     Institute for Inclusive Security.

The next ICAN Issue Brief will address the Tunisian Elections and Implications for Women

Download What the Women Say: The Arab Spring and Implications for Women

Letter from Libya: Activist and member of Women for Libya returns home after 30 years

1224308509485_2FARAH ABUSHWESHA was seven when she left Libya and her parents, to live in safety with her Irish grandmother. Two weeks ago, the film-maker and writer returned to a changed country, to meet her father again

AS THE AIRCRAFT descends into Tripoli, I have a flashback to my seven-year-old self undoing my buckle and trying to get off the flight. Inconsolable, I begged the cabin crew to let me return to my parents.
This is my first visit to Libya since then. Three decades ago my parents had to send me out of Libya to my Irish grandmother for my safety. Then my father, Redwan Abushwesha, a Libyan writer, was to be arrested by Gadafy’s security forces on suspicion of political dissent.
It was a year before I saw my mother and several more before my father was permitted to leave Libya temporarily. Two years ago he told me Gadafy’s regime had threatened his family’s safety should he not return, even though he had been acquitted and released from prison.
At baggage collection, I meet Cathleen from Swords returning to teach, ahead of her Libyan husband and seven children. She tells me most Irish women married to Libyans remained during the revolution.
My Libyan homecoming is more than just reconnecting with half of my family and history; it is also relevant to my current activism and newfound connection with Libya through Women4Libya (W4L), a civil-society group supporting Libyan women. I am attending the One Voice women’s conference, an event to make recommendations on new policies, a new constitution and the role of women.
At arrivals a group of women hold welcome signs for Shaharzad Kablan, a Facebook friend and activist who is also on the flight. No familiar face awaits me, as I haven’t told anyone of my return, but with customary Libyan warmth and hospitality Shaharzad’s group welcomes me. There is extra excitement when they hear it is my first trip back.
The drive into Tripoli is filled with outbursts of creative expression. Fresh street art – satirical, political and celebratory – adorns the walls. New Libyan flags are flying high.
At traffic lights a car plays the pre-Gadafy national anthem. Everyone rolls down windows and sings. This is not the Libya I remember, and I like it.
Salha, the driver, points out streets where the first wave of protesters were gunned down and the bridge where a courageous soul raised the new flag. She and her husband used to drive through these streets just to get a sense of solidarity with the freedom fighters.
We pass the abandoned cafe where just a few months ago Gadafy infamously appeared in a golf cart and umbrella, arrogantly defying the call for him to step down.
At the Radisson hotel, where the conference is being held, armed guards search our car for bombs. There are signs reading “No Guns Beyond This Point” all over the walls. Meeting my friends Salha (a different one) and Sara, I break down like a child, wanting my mother, father and sister there to share these sights, sounds and emotions.
This is when I notice women protesting. Another new feature of new Libya: freedom of expression. I ask them why they are there. They explain that, although they were active during the revolution, they haven’t been asked to the conference to share their concerns. I tell them I am Redwan Abushwesha’s daughter, and as a storyteller I have come to tell their story if they will let me. They do.
Rihab recounts how she smuggled arms and had her car searched while a soldier held a gun to her face. She feared he would trip and it would go off in her face.
Fatima tells how she lost three sons in the revolution. As a young student, she and her friends criticised Gadafy and were arrested – the first of four arrests, each more brutal than the last.
I have never felt so humbled by such brave and proud women. The conference organisers appear and invite them to attend, explaining their exclusion was an oversight.
THERE’S A BUZZ in the air as people busy themselves with networking, strategising, recounting and planning. In the lobby, I hear my name called out. My cousin Najwa, whom I last met in Rome when I was 15, has come to the hotel with her daughter. She had gone to Tripoli International Airport to meet me, but my aircraft landed at Mitiga military airport.
With Libyans, once you have hugged and kissed the life out of each other, it’s customary to ask after the health of every member of the family. Then they try to fatten you up with sweet delicacies and delicious food – only to point out as you eat that you’ve got fat. I laugh it off, as it’s true.
When the liberation of Tripoli was proclaimed, Najwa, à la Scarlett O’Hara, ran around the house, pulling apart curtains and clothes to make the new flag, using paint for the crescent and star, and went to Martyrs’ Square. It was her proudest creative effort, she said.
We arrange to visit my 98-year-old grandmother in Azziziah, a small town outside Tripoli, a few days later, but Najwa warns that fighting in the area may make it unsafe to travel.
That night there are loud gunshots and explosions, and I can’t sleep. I hear over breakfast that eight people died and that there was heavy fighting in my grandmother’s village.
As I give an interview to a Tripoli radio show about returning to Libya, a woman walks by and calls out “ Farah ma habebti ” (my beloved). Souad knew me as a child. It feels good to see someone I knew back then.
The next few days are taken over by a flurry of meetings with ambassadors, UN officials and local women’s groups. Our main aim is to connect grassroots organisations with established NGOs.
I also tweet from the conference, saying that the former interim leader Abdel-Jalil is admonished by the women for his comments on polygamy. One woman tells him she intends to be prime minister and she isn’t asking permission. The frustration among Libyan women is palpable. They were key in the success of the revolution, and the newly formed government has not adequately represented them in political appointments nor included them in high-level delegations and meetings or other decision-making roles.
That night Najwa takes me to see family. Our car is stopped and searched. It has become common for women travelling to have cars searched: allegedly, female supporters of Gadafy have shot at guards at checkpoints. I wonder if this is a ruse to keep women home.
The next day my hotel room fills with female friends. Salha is preparing for her brother’s engagement formality. In Libya the man’s family go to the girl’s house and propose en masse, bearing gifts and sweets. Women pop in and out, veils removed, wishing her well. I am like a porter, opening doors and making sure no man peers in.
Later we hear chanting and car horns, as thousands of protesters have gathered. The people who died the night before were from the Weshafana tribe.
Talking to the protesters, I am mindful that, however peaceful the protest, some are armed. They are angry because the media has reported they were anti-revolution and hiding Saif Gadafy, Muammar’s son. For three hours they demand that the media minister come out and apologise. He does and they leave.
ON MY LAST DAY my father comes out of hospital to join me. He has been delayed by a medical check-up in Tunisia, necessary because he had throat cancer two years ago. For two years he has been unable to speak and we have communicated by text message. He kisses my forehead, something he’s done since my childhood. We last met in May 2010. We have been able to meet only intermittently since I left Libya; at one point we did not see one another for 10 years.
Many friends who know of him as a writer and painter didn’t realise he was my father. Several comment on how similar we are in personality. I am childishly chuffed at how well known my dad is and to be acknowledged as his daughter. My dad is tired. I can see the past year has taken a toll on him physically. He leaves, arranging to return the next morning to take me to my grandmother.
Unfortunately, the next day we learn it is unsafe to travel to see my grandmother. I am devastated as I haven’t seen her for 10 years, and she is nearly 100 and barely conscious.
Instead, my dad and I go to the old-town souq to buy souvenirs for my mother, my sister, and her children Megan and Calum in Dublin. We meet friends of Dad’s who are delighted to see us together again and keep telling me how much I’ve grown in 30 years.

AS THE AIRCRAFT descends into Tripoli, I have a flashback to my seven-year-old self undoing my buckle and trying to get off the flight. Inconsolable, I begged the cabin crew to let me return to my parents.

This is my first visit to Libya since then. Three decades ago my parents had to send me out of Libya to my Irish grandmother for my safety. Then my father, Redwan Abushwesha, a Libyan writer, was to be arrested by Gadafy’s security forces on suspicion of political dissent.

It was a year before I saw my mother and several more before my father was permitted to leave Libya temporarily. Two years ago he told me Gadafy’s regime had threatened his family’s safety should he not return, even though he had been acquitted and released from prison.

At baggage collection, I meet Cathleen from Swords returning to teach, ahead of her Libyan husband and seven children. She tells me most Irish women married to Libyans remained during the revolution.

My Libyan homecoming is more than just reconnecting with half of my family and history; it is also relevant to my current activism and newfound connection with Libya through Women4Libya (W4L), a civil-society group supporting Libyan women. I am attending the One Voice women’s conference, an event to make recommendations on new policies, a new constitution and the role of women.

At arrivals a group of women hold welcome signs for Shaharzad Kablan, a Facebook friend and activist who is also on the flight. No familiar face awaits me, as I haven’t told anyone of my return, but with customary Libyan warmth and hospitality Shaharzad’s group welcomes me. There is extra excitement when they hear it is my first trip back.

The drive into Tripoli is filled with outbursts of creative expression. Fresh street art – satirical, political and celebratory – adorns the walls. New Libyan flags are flying high.

At traffic lights a car plays the pre-Gadafy national anthem. Everyone rolls down windows and sings. This is not the Libya I remember, and I like it.

Salha, the driver, points out streets where the first wave of protesters were gunned down and the bridge where a courageous soul raised the new flag. She and her husband used to drive through these streets just to get a sense of solidarity with the freedom fighters.

We pass the abandoned cafe where just a few months ago Gadafy infamously appeared in a golf cart and umbrella, arrogantly defying the call for him to step down.

At the Radisson hotel, where the conference is being held, armed guards search our car for bombs. There are signs reading “No Guns Beyond This Point” all over the walls. Meeting my friends Salha (a different one) and Sara, I break down like a child, wanting my mother, father and sister there to share these sights, sounds and emotions.

This is when I notice women protesting. Another new feature of new Libya: freedom of expression. I ask them why they are there. They explain that, although they were active during the revolution, they haven’t been asked to the conference to share their concerns. I tell them I am Redwan Abushwesha’s daughter, and as a storyteller I have come to tell their story if they will let me. They do.

Rihab recounts how she smuggled arms and had her car searched while a soldier held a gun to her face. She feared he would trip and it would go off in her face.

Fatima tells how she lost three sons in the revolution. As a young student, she and her friends criticised Gadafy and were arrested – the first of four arrests, each more brutal than the last.

I have never felt so humbled by such brave and proud women. The conference organisers appear and invite them to attend, explaining their exclusion was an oversight.

THERE’S A BUZZ in the air as people busy themselves with networking, strategising, recounting and planning. In the lobby, I hear my name called out. My cousin Najwa, whom I last met in Rome when I was 15, has come to the hotel with her daughter. She had gone to Tripoli International Airport to meet me, but my aircraft landed at Mitiga military airport.

With Libyans, once you have hugged and kissed the life out of each other, it’s customary to ask after the health of every member of the family. Then they try to fatten you up with sweet delicacies and delicious food – only to point out as you eat that you’ve got fat. I laugh it off, as it’s true.

When the liberation of Tripoli was proclaimed, Najwa, à la Scarlett O’Hara, ran around the house, pulling apart curtains and clothes to make the new flag, using paint for the crescent and star, and went to Martyrs’ Square. It was her proudest creative effort, she said.

We arrange to visit my 98-year-old grandmother in Azziziah, a small town outside Tripoli, a few days later, but Najwa warns that fighting in the area may make it unsafe to travel.

That night there are loud gunshots and explosions, and I can’t sleep. I hear over breakfast that eight people died and that there was heavy fighting in my grandmother’s village.

As I give an interview to a Tripoli radio show about returning to Libya, a woman walks by and calls out “ Farah ma habebti ” (my beloved). Souad knew me as a child. It feels good to see someone I knew back then.

The next few days are taken over by a flurry of meetings with ambassadors, UN officials and local women’s groups. Our main aim is to connect grassroots organisations with established NGOs.

I also tweet from the conference, saying that the former interim leader Abdel-Jalil is admonished by the women for his comments on polygamy. One woman tells him she intends to be prime minister and she isn’t asking permission. The frustration among Libyan women is palpable. They were key in the success of the revolution, and the newly formed government has not adequately represented them in political appointments nor included them in high-level delegations and meetings or other decision-making roles.

That night Najwa takes me to see family. Our car is stopped and searched. It has become common for women travelling to have cars searched: allegedly, female supporters of Gadafy have shot at guards at checkpoints. I wonder if this is a ruse to keep women home.

The next day my hotel room fills with female friends. Salha is preparing for her brother’s engagement formality. In Libya the man’s family go to the girl’s house and propose en masse, bearing gifts and sweets. Women pop in and out, veils removed, wishing her well. I am like a porter, opening doors and making sure no man peers in.

Later we hear chanting and car horns, as thousands of protesters have gathered. The people who died the night before were from the Weshafana tribe.

Talking to the protesters, I am mindful that, however peaceful the protest, some are armed. They are angry because the media has reported they were anti-revolution and hiding Saif Gadafy, Muammar’s son. For three hours they demand that the media minister come out and apologise. He does and they leave.

ON MY LAST DAY my father comes out of hospital to join me. He has been delayed by a medical check-up in Tunisia, necessary because he had throat cancer two years ago. For two years he has been unable to speak and we have communicated by text message. He kisses my forehead, something he’s done since my childhood. We last met in May 2010. We have been able to meet only intermittently since I left Libya; at one point we did not see one another for 10 years.

Many friends who know of him as a writer and painter didn’t realise he was my father. Several comment on how similar we are in personality. I am childishly chuffed at how well known my dad is and to be acknowledged as his daughter. My dad is tired. I can see the past year has taken a toll on him physically. He leaves, arranging to return the next morning to take me to my grandmother.

Unfortunately, the next day we learn it is unsafe to travel to see my grandmother. I am devastated as I haven’t seen her for 10 years, and she is nearly 100 and barely conscious.

Instead, my dad and I go to the old-town souq to buy souvenirs for my mother, my sister, and her children Megan and Calum in Dublin. We meet friends of Dad’s who are delighted to see us together again and keep telling me how much I’ve grown in 30 years.

WHAT THE WOMEN SAY PHASE II - ICAN'S MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA Program on Women’s Rights, Peace and Security

Context: Women across Asia and particularity in Muslim-majority countries are struggling for greater rights and more say in the processes determining peace and security in their countries.   Despite their involvement in the ‘Arab Spring’ and other fast paced transitions and mandates such as UN Security Council resolution 1325, their solutions and their agendas are already being excluded and neglected. Many who speak out, face serious security risks. While there is optimism about the current changes, there is a real concern that fundamentalist interpretations of women’s rights as well increased militarization, rise of a police state, and conflict will diminish spaces for women.  Still, women are actively engaged in the struggle for justice, democracy and peace.  They remain the best champions of their own causes and key actors in the fight against intolerance.
The ICAN Initiative: This program aims to elevate the voices and impact of women’s civil society groups on issues of rights, security and peace in countries undergoing transitions, affected by rising militarism and extremism. We anticipate a 3-year program with a first year start up/pilot phase (October 2011-October 2012). We will partner with women’s groups in 5-7 countries including in Egypt, Tunisia, Libya and Afghanistan.
Rationale: Activists across the Arab world and Muslim majority countries have echoed the need to work collaboratively and to learn from experiences of others in the region. We hope that this network will be a sustained and dynamic effort, fostered by both internet communications and in person connections to facilitate the work of activists.  Opportunities for in person connections through participation in a regional meeting and support of south-south trainings/exchanges will be offered. Network members will be connected to key international policymakers, the international women’s movement and the media, so emerging and younger leaders/practitioners/activists can work to influence national and international processes impacting women’s rights, peace and security in their countries.   We do not intend to draw our partners away from their work at home. Our goal is to provide support, enhancement, information and connectivity.
I. Regional Networking
1. Community of Practice Email List Serve: We intend to set up an online network between young and emerging women civil society leaders from the region, with approximately 4 organizations/groups represented from the selected countries to discuss the situations in their countries and to share strategies for engaging in the promotion of peace, security and specific women’s issues/rights.  We hope to provide a safe space where these groups can interact, learn from each other and discuss developments in their countries.   This online community of practice will serve as a venue for exchanges and will lead to other collaboration—for example joint work between 2 or more countries.
2. Solidarity and Support: At a time when women’s demands for rights, inclusion and equality are being painted as ‘western’ ideals and values, we believe it is essential to demonstrate that these demands are indigenous to the region, emerging from women themselves, and not unique to one country alone.  A key component of our networking will be to provide space for women to learn about each other’s challenges and stand in solidarity with one another. We will support solidarity statements, which can be signed by organizations and individuals based in these countries, in support of activists who are arrested or harassed or in condemnation of negative policy or developments with respect to women.
3. Online Lectures/trainings: ICAN will work to provide some online lectures or trainings where experts will be invited to discuss their own ideas and experience in working on peace, security and women’s rights in the region and at the international level. These may include network members discussing their successful strategies, international experts explaining international mechanisms such as SCR 1325, technology experts discussing use of new technologies for women’s organizations, etc. We will select topics based on the interest of network members.
4. Regional Network Meeting:  To strengthen individual relationships and build on shared learning, we plan to hold a regional network meeting for face-to-face meetings.  Location and time will be determined in consultation with our network members. International policymakers and peace, security and human rights experts, may be invited to take part in these meetings.
5. South-South Exchange/Trainings: We will also provide support for 2-3 south-south exchanges or trainings in year 1.  In this way, one country can host a visit by an activist from another country and provide opportunities for trainings and seminars where a larger group can benefit.
II. International Advocacy
We intend to elevate the voice of local level activists so they can have impact on developments at the international level and so women are included in international negotiations with respect to the developments in the region.  We plan to do this through the following activities:
1. Issue Briefs/Bulletins to Bridge the Gap with the International Community:  Despite the mandates of SCR 1325 and other Security Council resolutions, the international community lacks succinct information and practical guidance on how to engage/address women’s inclusion and rights in its policies and interventions in this region. We plan to produce one to three issue briefs per country for each year of the project in collaboration with country-based researchers.  These briefs will address priority issues in each country (e.g. elections, conflict, policies addressing women’s rights) with analysis on the impact on women and responses by the women’s movements, including recommendations for key international and other actors. They are intended to inform interested actors on specific issues in an accessible manner.  Databases of key international actors and networks will be developed for broad dissemination. In addition where possible we will help partners produce 1-2 page summaries of specific actions for the application and implementation of SCR 1325 (and the wider women, peace and security agenda) in their settings based on consultations with women. Finally, to dispel notions that ‘women aren’t qualified’ for inclusion in national and international discussions we will develop a list of experienced individuals and women’s groups capable of addressing a range of issues.
2. International Conference Participation: We will work with other groups to ensure that women activists, especially our researchers and network members can participate in international and regional events that address peace, security and women’s rights.
3. Best Practices & Experiences: We will work with our network members to document (multi-media format) their effective strategies and experiences. Beyond documenting the work of activists on the ground (who often lack the resources or time to do this work themselves) these strategies will be used to influence international policy and break stereotypes about women in the region.
For more information please contact: icanmena@gmail.com

ICAN_LogoContext: Women across Asia and particularity in Muslim-majority countries are struggling for greater rights and more say in the processes determining peace and security in their countries.   Despite their involvement in the ‘Arab Spring’ and other fast paced transitions and mandates such as UN Security Council resolution 1325, their solutions and their agendas are already being excluded and neglected. Many who speak out, face serious security risks. Continue reading ICAN Launches Middle East and North Africa Program on Women’s Rights, Peace and Security

Ban’s Second Term: The Case for a Woman Secretary-General

Ban’s Second Term: The Case for a Woman Secretary-General

Ambassador Anwarul K. Chowdhury*

NEW YORK, June 20 (IPS) – Last Friday’s recommendation to give the incumbent Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon another five-year term drew the international community’s attention to another opaque, non-democratic process that is the hallmark of the 15-member Security Council’s decision making.

The Council’s endorsement of Ban’s second term came even in a close-door meeting, not open to other members of the UN, not to speak of civil society or the media. It is well-known to those knowledgeable in the affairs of the world body that the five Permanent Members of the Council are more comfortable in dealing with a weak, non-performing, acquiescent leader as that ensures that they have their say in the decision-making of the Organization, particularly in the matters of maintaining global peace and security. As a matter of fact, they look for a leader who could be led.

This aspect also highlights another dimension of the much-needed reform of the Security Council – the World War II victors’ privilege of veto power of the Permanent Members commonly referred to as P-5 (in recent years, the 10 other members appointed for two-year terms are described as E-10, elected ten).

In the choice of the Secretary-General, the veto, threat of veto or the unrecorded veto in straw polls of last few elections to shorten the list of candidates have resulted in a convoluted process having the effect of eliminating the candidates of acknowledged management and leadership qualities.

This unclear, close-door, behind-the-scene and exclusionary process results in the recommendation of a person for the first term who is dreaming of re-election for a second-term from the very first day in office.

This very human temptation for a second-term is so overwhelming, so intoxicating that the incoming Secretary-General’s main effort in office is wholly conditioned by this desire. Keeping fully in perspective this “veto element”, the wishes and inclinations of P-5 get the priority attention of the any “Chief Administrative Officer” of the UN.

The conventional understanding in the corridors of the UN is that the debt that an SG accrues from P-5 during his first term for his re-election gets paid off during the second term. This arrangement serves both the Secretary-General and P-5 so well.

More so, because they know full well that broader membership of the UN are never able to agree to long overdue reforms of the unacceptable electoral process for the head of the secretariat. This encourages the possibility of a lack-luster leader to emerge, particularly if an UN-antagonist P-5 representative like Ambassador Bolton contributes to the selection process.

Friday’s recommendation and Tuesday’s no-option, obligatory concurrence of the UN General Assembly confirming the Security Council’s decision brings to focus on certain basic, fundamental changes which are needed to make the choice of the next Secretary-General worthy of the prestige, universality of this “Parliament of Nations” and suitable to lead the humanity in the first decades of the 21st century.

First, the process should be open, fully transparent, participatory, and democratic with full engagement of the member-states and civil society. Yes, the UN remains an inter-governmental institution, but that does not mean that global civil society which is dedicated to the strengthening of the UN could not be consulted broadly.

The General Assembly needs to be fully involved and have equal say in tandem with the Security Council. As a matter of fact, both these primary organs of the UN would have the equal responsibility of finding and subsequently electing the person who would work for the best interest of the organization without fear or favor. The candidates would be required to face the membership as a whole to establish their real credentials to lead and to be judged by all.

Another important idea to ensure independence of the Secretary-General would be to make the office restricted to one-term for each incumbent. The current five-year term could be extended to six years. Six years are adequate for any leader worth the name to show what can be achieved for any global institution.

And, the most important “reform” that is needed for the choice of the UN leader is in the mindset of the member-states. At this point of time in human progress, it is a shame that in the 65 years of its existence, the UN was not able to elect a woman to lead. Not only that, there has been no candidate even nominated to be considered for election.

Notwithstanding all the UN resolutions, treaties, declarations and pronouncements asserting the equality of women, it is a pity that the UN has kept the fifty percent of humanity out of consideration for its highest position. The organization is undoubtedly poorer as it restricted its choice only to the half of the potential candidates.

The suffering image and credibility of UN in the eyes of the international community in recent years underscores the increasing need for effective and committed leadership that puts the Organization before self and is not solely triggered by “command and control” mode.

After all these years of men heading the UN secretariat, it would be very fair to elect the next Secretary-General from amongst the women candidates open on a worldwide basis without any regional restriction as it would be the first such occasion. Such a “positive action” would be very necessary and appropriate for denying the world’s fifty percent of their due share.

This is absolutely necessary to rectify the past discrimination against women and to realize de facto equality according to General Recommendation No. 25 of the Convention on the Discrimination against Women. Referring to the international level implementation, Article 8 of the Convention mentions that “States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to ensure to women, on equal terms with men and without any discrimination, the opportunity to represent their Governments at the international level and to participate in the work of international organizations.”

As almost all of UN members are the State Parties to the Convention, they should act according to this obligation when they appoint the SG. The Security Council should also pay attention to its own resolution 1325 in the selection process for the Secretary-General that emphasized equal participation of women at all decision making levels.

These also tell us very emphatically that the choice-base for the Secretary-General should be expanded to include women. In reality, UN has violated its own treaties and resolution by keeping women out of consideration for the position. Even a traditional male-dominated institution like IMF could soon show the way by electing a woman Managing Director.

One wonders what kind of existing culture and deep-seated biases in UN has made this very crucial aspect out of its discussion even in the context of wide-ranging UN reforms. Perhaps the sole opportunity for an indelible legacy for Ban would be to step down half way into his term, conditional upon the election of a woman Secretary General.

* Former Under-Secretary-General and High Representative of the United Nations and President of the Security Council in 2000 and 2001 (END/2011)

Activities and images

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